SAVE's Response to Gruesome Attacks on Yemeni Military

Photo credit Reuters/Khaled Abdullah

Monday’s attacks on the Yemeni military parade rehearsals in Sana’a can only be described as a heinous and cowardly act aimed at disrupting the country’s newfound stability.

According to the Defense Ministry, yesterday’s explosion is the deadliest the capital has seen in years, killing 96 people and wounding more than 220. It is believed the attacks were targeting Minister of Defense Maj. Gen. Mohammed Nasser Ahmed who had arrived at the scene of the rehearsals minutes before the bomb was detonated by a man dressed in military uniform.

Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and its affiliate Ansar al-Sharia (Partisans of Islamic Law) both claimed responsibility, saying the attack was in response to the military offensive in the southern Abyan province that was seized by militants in 2011.

President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi announced on state TV that "the war on terrorism will continue until we win, whatever the sacrifices are."

The United Nations Security Council and Secretary General Ban Ki-moon strongly condemned the attack stating the “criminal act cannot be justified by any cause”. U.S. President Barack Obama said he was also very concerned about extremist activity in Yemen and pledged more aid to support the new government’s counterterrorism efforts.

SAVE strongly supports Yemen’s struggle to establish a democratic government and bring an end to violent extremism and terror in the country. Especially in light of the long year of courageous uprisings led by the Yemeni people, which resulted in the resignation of Former President Ali Abdullah Saleh and the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Tawakkol Karman, the first Arab woman to receive the international honor.

We hope this tragic incident will only serve to further unite Yemenis and give them strength and motivation to consolidate their country’s transition towards full democracy.

Why Do They Hate Us? By Monal El Tahawy

Why Do They Hate Us?
The real war on women is in the Middle East.

BY MONA ELTAHAWY | Foreign Policy MAY/JUNE 2012

Mona Eltawahy

In "Distant View of a Minaret," the late and much-neglected Egyptian writer Alifa Rifaat begins her short story with a woman so unmoved by sex with her husband that as he focuses solely on his pleasure, she notices a spider web she must sweep off the ceiling and has time to ruminate on her husband's repeated refusal to prolong intercourse until she too climaxes, "as though purposely to deprive her." Just as her husband denies her an orgasm, the call to prayer interrupts his, and the man leaves. After washing up, she loses herself in prayer -- so much more satisfying that she can't wait until the next prayer -- and looks out onto the street from her balcony. She interrupts her reverie to make coffee dutifully for her husband to drink after his nap. Taking it to their bedroom to pour it in front of him as he prefers, she notices he is dead. She instructs their son to go and get a doctor. "She returned to the living room and poured out the coffee for herself. She was surprised at how calm she was," Rifaat writes.

In a crisp three-and-a-half pages, Rifaat lays out a trifecta of sex, death, and religion, a bulldozer that crushes denial and defensiveness to get at the pulsating heart of misogyny in the Middle East. There is no sugarcoating it. They don't hate us because of our freedoms, as the tired, post-9/11 American cliché had it. We have no freedoms because they hate us, as this Arab woman so powerfully says.

Yes: They hate us. It must be said.

Some may ask why I'm bringing this up now, at a time when the region has risen up, fueled not by the usual hatred of America and Israel but by a common demand for freedom. After all, shouldn't everyone get basic rights first, before women demand special treatment? And what does gender, or for that matter, sex, have to do with the Arab Spring? But I'm not talking about sex hidden away in dark corners and closed bedrooms. An entire political and economic system -- one that treats half of humanity like animals -- must be destroyed along with the other more obvious tyrannies choking off the region from its future. Until the rage shifts from the oppressors in our presidential palaces to the oppressors on our streets and in our homes, our revolution has not even begun.

So: Yes, women all over the world have problems; yes, the United States has yet to elect a female president; and yes, women continue to be objectified in many "Western" countries (I live in one of them). That's where the conversation usually ends when you try to discuss why Arab societies hate women.

But let's put aside what the United States does or doesn't do to women. Name me an Arab country, and I'll recite a litany of abuses fueled by a toxic mix of culture and religion that few seem willing or able to disentangle lest they blaspheme or offend. When more than 90 percent of ever-married women in Egypt -- including my mother and all but one of her six sisters -- have had their genitals cut in the name of modesty, then surely we must all blaspheme. When Egyptian women are subjected to humiliating "virginity tests" merely for speaking out, it's no time for silence. When an article in the Egyptian criminal code says that if a woman has been beaten by her husband "with good intentions" no punitive damages can be obtained, then to hell with political correctness. And what, pray tell, are "good intentions"? They are legally deemed to include any beating that is "not severe" or "directed at the face." What all this means is that when it comes to the status of women in the Middle East, it's not better than you think. It's much, much worse. Even after these "revolutions," all is more or less considered well with the world as long as women are covered up, anchored to the home, denied the simple mobility of getting into their own cars, forced to get permission from men to travel, and unable to marry without a male guardian's blessing -- or divorce either.

Not a single Arab country ranks in the top 100 in the World Economic Forum's Global Gender Gap Report, putting the region as a whole solidly at the planet's rock bottom. Poor or rich, we all hate our women. Neighbors Saudi Arabia and Yemen, for instance, might be eons apart when it comes to GDP, but only four places separate them on the index, with the kingdom at 131 and Yemen coming in at 135 out of 135 countries. Morocco, often touted for its "progressive" family law (a 2005 report by Western "experts" called it "an example for Muslim countries aiming to integrate into modern society"), ranks 129; according to Morocco's Ministry of Justice, 41,098 girls under age 18 were married there in 2010.

It's easy to see why the lowest-ranked country is Yemen, where 55 percent of women are illiterate, 79 percent do not participate in the labor force, and just one woman serves in the 301-person parliament. Horrific news reports about 12-year-old girls dying in childbirth do little to stem the tide of child marriage there. Instead, demonstrations in support of child marriage outstrip those against it, fueled by clerical declarations that opponents of state-sanctioned pedophilia are apostates because the Prophet Mohammed, according to them, married his second wife, Aisha, when she was a child.

But at least Yemeni women can drive. It surely hasn't ended their litany of problems, but it symbolizes freedom -- and nowhere does such symbolism resonate more than in Saudi Arabia, where child marriage is also practiced and women are perpetually minors regardless of their age or education. Saudi women far outnumber their male counterparts on university campuses but are reduced to watching men far less qualified control every aspect of their lives.

Yes, Saudi Arabia, the country where a gang-rape survivor was sentenced to jail for agreeing to get into a car with an unrelated male and needed a royal pardon; Saudi Arabia, where a woman who broke the ban on driving was sentenced to 10 lashes and again needed a royal pardon; Saudi Arabia, where women still can't vote or run in elections, yet it's considered "progress" that a royal decree promised to enfranchise them for almost completely symbolic local elections in -- wait for it -- 2015. So bad is it for women in Saudi Arabia that those tiny paternalistic pats on their backs are greeted with delight as the monarch behind them, King Abdullah, is hailed as a "reformer" -- even by those who ought to know better, such as Newsweek, which in 2010 named the king one of the top 11 most respected world leaders. You want to know how bad it is? The "reformer's" answer to the revolutions popping up across the region was to numb his people with still more government handouts -- especially for the Salafi zealots from whom the Saudi royal family inhales legitimacy. King Abdullah is 87. Just wait until you see the next in line, Prince Nayef, a man straight out of the Middle Ages. His misogyny and zealotry make King Abdullah look like Susan B. Anthony.

SO WHY DO THEY HATE US? Sex, or more precisely hymens, explains much.

"Why extremists always focus on women remains a mystery to me," U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said recently. "But they all seem to. It doesn't matter what country they're in or what religion they claim. They want to control women." (And yet Clinton represents an administration that openly supports many of those misogynistic despots.) Attempts to control by such regimes often stem from the suspicion that without it, a woman is just a few degrees short of sexual insatiability. Observe Yusuf al-Qaradawi, the popular cleric and longtime conservative TV host on Al Jazeera who developed a stunning penchant for the Arab Spring revolutions -- once they were under way, that is -- undoubtedly understanding that they would eliminate the tyrants who long tormented and oppressed both him and the Muslim Brotherhood movement from which he springs.

I could find you a host of crackpots sounding off on Woman the Insatiable Temptress, but I'm staying mainstream with Qaradawi, who commands a huge audience on and off the satellite channels. Although he says female genital mutilation (which he calls "circumcision," a common euphemism that tries to put the practice on a par with male circumcision) is not "obligatory," you will also find this priceless observation in one of his books: "I personally support this under the current circumstances in the modern world. Anyone who thinks that circumcision is the best way to protect his daughters should do it," he wrote, adding, "The moderate opinion is in favor of practicing circumcision to reduce temptation." So even among "moderates," girls' genitals are cut to ensure their desire is nipped in the bud -- pun fully intended. Qaradawi has since issued a fatwa against female genital mutilation, but it comes as no surprise that when Egypt banned the practice in 2008, some Muslim Brotherhood legislators opposed the law. And some still do -- including a prominent female parliamentarian, Azza al-Garf.

Yet it's the men who can't control themselves on the streets, where from Morocco to Yemen, sexual harassment is endemic and it's for the men's sake that so many women are encouraged to cover up. Cairo has a women-only subway car to protect us from wandering hands and worse; countless Saudi malls are for families only, barring single men from entry unless they produce a requisite female to accompany them.

We often hear how the Middle East's failing economies have left many men unable to marry, and some even use that to explain rising levels of sexual harassment on the streets. In a 2008 survey by the Egyptian Center for Women's Rights, more than 80 percent of Egyptian women said they'd experienced sexual harassment and more than 60 percent of men admitted to harassing women. Yet we never hear how a later marriage age affects women. Do women have sex drives or not? Apparently, the Arab jury is still out on the basics of human biology.

Enter that call to prayer and the sublimation through religion that Rifaat so brilliantly introduces in her story. Just as regime-appointed clerics lull the poor across the region with promises of justice -- and nubile virgins -- in the next world rather than a reckoning with the corruption and nepotism of the dictator in this life, so women are silenced by a deadly combination of men who hate them while also claiming to have God firmly on their side.

I turn again to Saudi Arabia, and not just because when I encountered the country at age 15 I was traumatized into feminism -- there's no other way to describe it -- but because the kingdom is unabashed in its worship of a misogynistic God and never suffers any consequences for it, thanks to its double-whammy advantage of having oil and being home to Islam's two holiest places, Mecca and Medina.

Then -- the 1980s and 1990s -- as now, clerics on Saudi TV were obsessed with women and their orifices, especially what came out of them. I'll never forget hearing that if a baby boy urinated on you, you could go ahead and pray in the same clothes, yet if a baby girl peed on you, you had to change. What on Earth in the girl's urine made you impure? I wondered.

Hatred of women.

How much does Saudi Arabia hate women? So much so that 15 girls died in a school fire in Mecca in 2002, after "morality police" barred them from fleeing the burning building -- and kept firefighters from rescuing them -- because the girls were not wearing headscarves and cloaks required in public. And nothing happened. No one was put on trial. Parents were silenced. The only concession to the horror was that girls' education was quietly taken away by then-Crown Prince Abdullah from the Salafi zealots, who have nonetheless managed to retain their vise-like grip on the kingdom's education system writ large.

This, however, is no mere Saudi phenomenon, no hateful curiosity in the rich, isolated desert. The Islamist hatred of women burns brightly across the region -- now more than ever.

In Kuwait, where for years Islamists fought women's enfranchisement, they hounded the four women who finally made it into parliament, demanding that the two who didn't cover their hair wear hijabs. When the Kuwaiti parliament was dissolved this past December, an Islamist parliamentarian demanded the new house -- devoid of a single female legislator -- discuss his proposed "decent attire" law.

In Tunisia, long considered the closest thing to a beacon of tolerance in the region, women took a deep breath last fall after the Islamist Ennahda party won the largest share of votes in the country's Constituent Assembly. Party leaders vowed to respect Tunisia's 1956 Personal Status Code, which declared "the principle of equality between men and women" as citizens and banned polygamy. But female university professors and students have complained since then of assaults and intimidation by Islamists for not wearing hijabs, while many women's rights activists wonder how talk of Islamic law will affect the actual law they will live under in post-revolution Tunisia.

In Libya, the first thing the head of the interim government, Mustafa Abdel Jalil, promised to do was to lift the late Libyan tyrant's restrictions on polygamy. Lest you think of Muammar al-Qaddafi as a feminist of any kind, remember that under his rule girls and women who survived sexual assaults or were suspected of "moral crimes" were dumped into "social rehabilitation centers," effective prisons from which they could not leave unless a man agreed to marry them or their families took them back.

Then there's Egypt, where less than a month after President Hosni Mubarak stepped down, the military junta that replaced him, ostensibly to "protect the revolution," inadvertently reminded us of the two revolutions we women need. After it cleared Tahrir Square of protesters, the military detained dozens of male and female activists. Tyrants oppress, beat, and torture all. We know. But these officers reserved "virginity tests" for female activists: rape disguised as a medical doctor inserting his fingers into their vaginal opening in search of hymens. (The doctor was sued and eventually acquitted in March.)

What hope can there be for women in the new Egyptian parliament, dominated as it is by men stuck in the seventh century? A quarter of those parliamentary seats are now held by Salafis, who believe that mimicking the original ways of the Prophet Mohammed is an appropriate prescription for modern life. Last fall, when fielding female candidates, Egypt's Salafi Nour Party ran a flower in place of each woman's face. Women are not to be seen or heard -- even their voices are a temptation -- so there they are in the Egyptian parliament, covered from head to toe in black and never uttering a word.

And we're in the middle of a revolution in Egypt! It's a revolution in which women have died, been beaten, shot at, and sexually assaulted fighting alongside men to rid our country of that uppercase Patriarch -- Mubarak -- yet so many lowercase patriarchs still oppress us. The Muslim Brotherhood, with almost half the total seats in our new revolutionary parliament, does not believe women (or Christians for that matter) can be president. The woman who heads the "women's committee" of the Brotherhood's political party said recently that women should not march or protest because it's more "dignified" to let their husbands and brothers demonstrate for them.

The hatred of women goes deep in Egyptian society. Those of us who have marched and protested have had to navigate a minefield of sexual assaults by both the regime and its lackeys, and, sadly, at times by our fellow revolutionaries. On the November day I was sexually assaulted on Mohamed Mahmoud Street near Tahrir Square, by at least four Egyptian riot police, I was first groped by a man in the square itself. While we are eager to expose assaults by the regime, when we're violated by our fellow civilians we immediately assume they're agents of the regime or thugs because we don't want to taint the revolution.

SO WHAT IS TO BE DONE?

First we stop pretending. Call out the hate for what it is. Resist cultural relativism and know that even in countries undergoing revolutions and uprisings, women will remain the cheapest bargaining chips. You -- the outside world -- will be told that it's our "culture" and "religion" to do X, Y, or Z to women. Understand that whoever deemed it as such was never a woman. The Arab uprisings may have been sparked by an Arab man -- Mohamed Bouazizi, the Tunisian street vendor who set himself on fire in desperation -- but they will be finished by Arab women.

Amina Filali -- the 16-year-old Moroccan girl who drank poison after she was forced to marry, and beaten by, her rapist -- is our Bouazizi. Salwa el-Husseini, the first Egyptian woman to speak out against the "virginity tests"; Samira Ibrahim, the first one to sue; and Rasha Abdel Rahman, who testified alongside her -- they are our Bouazizis. We must not wait for them to die to become so. Manal al-Sharif, who spent nine days in jail for breaking her country's ban on women driving, is Saudi Arabia's Bouazizi. She is a one-woman revolutionary force who pushes against an ocean of misogyny.

Our political revolutions will not succeed unless they are accompanied by revolutions of thought -- social, sexual, and cultural revolutions that topple the Mubaraks in our minds as well as our bedrooms.

"Do you know why they subjected us to virginity tests?" Ibrahim asked me soon after we'd spent hours marching together to mark International Women's Day in Cairo on March 8. "They want to silence us; they want to chase women back home. But we're not going anywhere."

We are more than our headscarves and our hymens. Listen to those of us fighting. Amplify the voices of the region and poke the hatred in its eye. There was a time when being an Islamist was the most vulnerable political position in Egypt and Tunisia. Understand that now it very well might be Woman. As it always has been.

Mona Eltahawy is an Egyptian-American columnist. In November 2011, Egyptian police beat her, breaking her left arm and right hand, and sexually assaulted her. She was detained by the Interior Ministry and military intelligence for 12 hours.

The original article published in Foreign Policy MAY/JUNE 2012 can be found HERE

 

"See Yemen Through My Eyes"

SAVE Sister and Editor of the Yemen Times Nadia Al-Sakkaf gives a great TED Talk about the real Yemen and its revolution. Visit TED here: www.ted.com.

Further Statements of Solidarity after the Mumbai Bombings

Yesterday, SAVE Sisters and women leaders from around the world sent in their statements of solidarity with the families of victims of Wednesday's bombings in Mumbai. Further statements continue to flow in, showing the strength of international support.

Arshi Saleem Hashmi, Assistant Professor, Department of Peace and Conflict Studies, National Defence University (NDU), Karachi, Pakistan
It is indeed sad to see innocent people becoming the target of those who define humans as mere objects of their cruelty and means to achieve their goals. People dying in Pakistan or India, in Afghanistan or Israel or Palestine - it is not just those who lose their lives but hundreds of associated human lives that suffer every day. The only way to counter these acts of cowardliness is to defy their goal; that is, instead of surrendering to this game of death, we must continue to move forward, and women, more than men, need to take the family forward in defeating them through their resolve. Terrorism succeeds when the other side gives up the fight. Just like Pakistani women who, after every act of terrorism, come out and convince their families to continue their life and not to give up, Indian women are a source of strength and we Pakistanis admire Indian women who challenge and resist any act of injustice and violence. I am sure that this time as well, Indian women will encourage their families to fight violent extremism through collective efforts.

Phyllis Rodriguez, Families for Peaceful Tomorrows, USA
As the mother of a victim of the attacks on the World Trade Center in NYC on 9/11/01, I am deeply saddened by this attack in Mumbai. The rich and long tradition of nonviolence in India makes it all the more disturbing. Re-evaluation of domestic and international policies, plus negotiation, diplomacy and intelligence work are the only meaningful ways to lessen the incidence of such extremist acts. Women can be leaders in this.


Saba Naqvi, Senior Writer, Outlook News Magazine, Delhi
We have been mostly free of the terror and communal debate for the last few years. An event like this is not just tragic because of the horror and the lives lost and damaged, but because it opens the fault lines for communal mobilization. We should not ignore the fact that in recent years Hindu terror groups were found responsible for strikes that were originally blamed on Muslim terrorists. As far as the terror paradigm goes we must keep an open mind. Whoever is behind this it is a great tragedy for a great city like Mumbai to again face this. Mumbai will again endure, survive, and rise above small passions to get down to business.

Samia Al-Haddad, Yemeni Organization for Development and Rehabilitation
The Yemen Organization strongly condemns the outrageous attacks in Mumbai, which took place Wednesday evening, killing 21 people and injuring 113 others. We call upon all regional and international organizations and all the decent people and governments of the world in the East and the West to support Indian efforts to overcome these deplorable terrorist attacks, and to support all countries that are a target to such crimes, mass murders and human rights violations.

Juliann Campbell, Journalist, Derry Journal, Northern Ireland
Obviously this is a tragedy for all concerned and the widespread devastation and fear caused by these latest blasts will last much longer than any clean up operation or police investigation. The international community should unite in condemnation against these terrorists and support the people of Mumbai as much as they possibly can. Violence solves nothing. Discussion and a shared sense of compromise can solve many problems.

Catherine Cooke, Foyle Womens Information Network, Northern Ireland
I am sad and disgusted to hear of the blasts in Mumbai on Wednesday the 13th July 2011 – I send my heartfelt wishes of love, sympathy and sincerity to all those affected by the blasts - We all suffer when freedom is threatened and we are resigned to look over our shoulders again – I would like the women of the world to say enough is enough and we need to double our efforts in building the peace globally!

This is how Mothers MOVE Against Violent Extremism!

From June 6-8, 13 inspirational women came together in Vienna to share their experiences as activists and mothers in countering violent extremism. The Mothers MOVE conference gave participants from Yemen, Northern Ireland, Egypt, Pakistan, Indonesia, Nigeria, Israel and Palestine the opportunity to hear from women from different cultural contexts, with the aim of learning from each other’s experiences, sharing best practices and comparing the similarities and differences of mothers’ role in the security arena between cultures.

Our good friends at the US-European Media Hub in Brussels captured these women's voices in a short film that captures the essence of the discussions over the three day conference. This video is dedicated to the memory of Werner Ertel, the cameraman who filmed the conference and many other Women without Borders events. Werner was truly a brother to our cause, and he will be deeply missed.





Consultant Mehru Jaffer and film-maker Ali Hasnain also filmed the event, capturing the activists' statements about how women as mothers can combat violent extremism.

The Square of Change in Sana’a: an Incubator for Reform

A briefing by Atiaf Zaid Alwazir on the social and political changes taking place in the squares of Yemen.

Yemen has witnessed widespread protests and sit-ins throughout the squares of change for the past three months. These squares became incubators for change and the birthplace of a new political culture. The time spent at the square has given protestors the time to network, organize, engage in awareness raising activities and honest dialogue, and agree upon general principles. While the focus at the beginning was solely on political reform, the interplay between different actors on the ground has forced individuals to begin discussion on social and cultural change as well, as a holistic approach. These terminologies are being tested on the ground. While this gave the movement an opportunity to mature, the longer this political deadlock lasts, the higher the chance of violence, especially by the circle around the President who will try to protect their own interests. The interplay between various actors on the ground will determine the future of the movement, and the country’s future direction.

This eyewitness report is by a Sana’a based researcher who was involved in the protests since late January 2011. While the protests are nationwide, the paper will focus only on the square of change in Sana’a. Read the full document here.

Yemeni youth ready to confront gender roles - Women without Borders study on IPS

Despite being at the forefront of sweeping changes taking place in the country, the lives of the majority of Yemeni women are restricted to early marriage, motherhood and serving husbands, according to a new study by Women Without Borders (WWB), a Vienna based public relations and advocacy platform for women’s voices around the world. By Mehru Jaffer.

"Most of the women talked to, even those from a traditional background, do express a desire for more independence in many aspects of their lives," Edit Schlaffer, founder-director of WWB told IPS.

The survey reveals that women are largely restricted to the private sphere and discouraged from participating in public life.

With a grant from the OPEC Fund for International Development (OFID), a team of researchers from WWB designed a 134-item questionnaire in the Arabic language that was distributed amongst 600 students at Yemen’s Sana’a University on the eve of the February uprising earlier this year.

Over half of the male respondents feel that allowing women to work undermines their religious practices. However, a majority of both men and women see changing gender roles as an opportunity to fare better in a fast globalising world

Before her first visit to Yemen in 2009, Schlaffer’s image of the country on the western border of the Arabian Peninsula was that of a hideout for terrorists and a society frozen in time.

"After my first trip to Yemen I was amazed at the work the women were doing," recalls Schlaffer. "I was introduced to a women’s radio station in Sana’a. I met female journalists, aspiring politicians and great mothers."

Schlaffer was introduced to a vibrant civil society that is flourishing in the face of Western mistrust and domestic roadblocks.

The idea of the fact finding mission led by Schlaffer was to find out more about women and their views on extremism in the country, and to establish a SAVE Yemen chapter.

Yemen has a young population and women spoke openly about their own government and what they thought of governments abroad.

SAVE, or Sisters Against Violent Extremism, is a worldwide initiative of WWB to counter violent extremism and to propose strategies for derailing the extremist movement.

"Yemeni women, the NGOs and the mosques can play a vital role. As mothers, women can help in educating and guiding their sons; in society they can be activists in stopping violence," Hooria al Mashoor, Vice-Chairperson of the Women’s National Committee in Yemen told Schlaffer.

Today al-Fotih, is SAVE Yemen’s local coordinator and continues to work with mothers seen as potential ‘alarm-sounders’ when their children travel down the wrong path.

SAVE Yemen has held talks with Women Journalists Without Chains on the role of Yemeni women in confronting terrorism and extremism. Nadia al-Sakkaf, editor-in-chief of ‘Yemen Times’, the country’s leading English language newspaper has helped to host meets with local victims of violent extremism.

Fatima al-Zuhairi, principal of a local school discussed problems of extremism amongst female students in her school, and the challenges and accusations she has faced from extremist preachers in her local mosque.

After having created a network of supporters on the ground, WWB launched the latest survey to gauge the attitude of university students in Yemen on a wide range of issues - but with a focus on gender equality and the future. The findings disclose that the youth in Yemen yearns for gender equality.

The survey showed that youth is ready for change and optimistic about the future.

The survey reports two interrelated trends seen in many developing countries - including Yemen. There is a growth in the population of young people, and increased access to education for both men and women. The educated youth pose significant challenges to economic and political stability as the rate their growth rapidly outpaces available job opportunities.

The promise of free education is real but the hidden costs such as uniforms and school supplies present an overwhelming challenge to many families. Nearly half of the respondents reported that their families find it difficult to pay for their university education.

Conservative, male-dominated social norms still make access to education an insurmountable barrier for too many Yemeni women, but a move in a positive direction is visible. The majority of women predict their future career will be that of a teacher or professor - women currently represent less than a quarter of the educators at all levels.

Domestic violence is a part of many lives, 39 percent have witnessed it and 27 percent have experienced it. Little data is available about this conduct in Yemeni society due to social stigma.

The results also reveal girls are often prohibited from attending school or playing sports, and most women do not hold jobs or participate in politics because the public sphere is almost forbidden to them.

Most female respondents to the survey - despite access to education - come from families with traditional Yemeni values. They are more concerned than their male counterparts with the wishes of the family and agree that family plays a strong role in their decisions.

"Only free media will stand up for women as citizens" - Independent media in Yemen struggles due to lack of funds

The uprisings in the Middle East are frequently attributed to increased freedom of expression through new forms of media and communication. However, Yemen’s revolution is threatening independent news sources while simultaneously allowing them more liberty to report on controversial issues. On this World Press Freedom Day, May 3, SAVE spoke with two leading female journalists in Yemen about the contradicting forces of revolution and the essential role of free media for women’s empowerment.

When Nadia al-Sakkaf took over the helm of the Yemen Times, she had to let go of half of her staff. Nadia found that many male reporters were unwilling to work under a female boss and did not respect her authority. The newspaper was founded by her father in 1991, but since she took over six years ago, the newspaper has gone from strength to strength, winning several awards. Yemen’s uprisings, however, have been a mixed blessing for the newspaper, and are currently endangering its existence due to a lack of advertising revenue.

On one hand, journalists are now able to report on many issues they could not before. “The revolutions are driven by people's demands and needs for freedom and a better life,” says Nadia. “The first way that was used to do this was through media.” She speculates that the government may be “too busy or too broke” to bother about restraining the media.

Journalists hurt in the protests were not usually targeted, claims Nadia, but were caught up in the general violence. Foreign reporters are, however, under threat, as the government continues to deport even those who have valid residence papers.

Instead, a major threat to several newspapers is a lack of funds. Soon after the beginning of the revolution, Nadia’s paper lost 70% of its advertisements due to instability in the country. Not long afterwards, the paper’s critical reporting left it excluded from state advertisement campaigns. Reluctantly, Nadia has had to reduce the number of pages to half, and fire several freelancers and part-time employees.

The threat to Yemen’s only independent English-language newspaper could leave the country without a reliable bridge to the outside world. The newspaper’s mission statement is to “make Yemen a good world citizen”. “There are so many stereotypes on Yemen and it is our responsibility to provide readers with an objective, credible source of information,” says Nadia. “We provide readers with an independent, alternative point of view on Yemeni issues.”

However, even government-run outlets are coming under pressure due to reduced advertising revenue. Afrah Nasser, who writes for the government-affiliated Yemen Observer, says that the newspaper has been struggling since the second month of the revolution. “Companies don't want to put ads anymore,” says Afrah. “They believe people won't be interested to see ads.”

Yemen’s English-language newspapers are of increased importance due to the relatively low attention Yemen’s uprisings has received in the international media. “The international media's coverage of the Egyptian revolution was beyond remarkable,” says Afrah. “For Yemen, however, it was very very little.”

Nadia agrees that international coverage has been poor and is plagued with stereotypes about the country. “The international media usually have the same story about the protests,” she says. “They don't take the time to report on the real issues of Yemen, perhaps because they think their readers are not interested in the details. This is why we, as the local English newspaper, have to cover this gap and report on issues that really matter from a Yemeni perspective, but in English and in a style that is understood by the world.”

Free media is also an essential component of ensuring the evolution of and respect for women’s rights in Yemen. “Free media means that women are better in control of their fate,” says Afrah. “Once a woman is censored just because of her gender, she is sinking into becoming a second-class citizen. Free media for women gives them the space to speak out comfortably and freely and determine in which class they are ranked.”

“In societies like Yemen, women are the most disadvantaged and vulnerable groups,” adds Nadia. “Only free media will stand up for them as equal citizens and promote their rights.” Nadia and Afrah have been working to include women’s perspectives in the media since before the revolution. Nadia has even managed to change mentalities on what is considered newsworthy by her readership.

“Sometimes we would put a story on women or children on the front page and leave the more politicized stories about the president or political debates inside,” says Nadia. “At first my decisions were criticized, but when we got positive feedback from readers it proved that pack reporting is not always best.”

Yemen’s uprisings have seen women play a part that has surprised and fascinated the world. But women’s voices are still left out of visions for a future Yemen.

“Many women demand to be partners in the governing of the new Yemen and this is not reflected or advocated enough in the media, whether locally or internationally. We need to make sure that women are a part of the future, not just the making of it.”

If you would like to know more about how to support independent media in Yemen, please contact us at office@women-without-borders.org.

Report by Helen Victoria Thompson.

Women leaders in Yemen demand equality, participation, and representation, despite President's comments. Leading activist Amal al Basha talks to Edit Schlaffer

Amal Basha, Chairperson of the Sisters Arab Forum in Sana’a

Amal al Basha, Chairperson of the Sisters Arab Forum in Sana’a, Yemen, and one of the leading progressive women’s voices in the country, was on her way to a meeting with the Women’s Coalition to discuss the issue of violence conducted against women during the demonstrations when she answered her phone. I could tell that she was very agitated, and she immediately said that she wanted to tell me about the abuses against women at the hands of religious extremists in Change Square.

Just over one week ago, President Saleh condemned women’s participation in the opposition rallies, saying that by mixing with men on the street who were not direct relatives, they were violating traditional Yemeni cultural norms. His comments provoked significant backlash from both women and tribal leaders alike—an unlikely alliance has formed around the issue of women’s capacity to lead in Yemen.

In response to Saleh’s remarks, thousands more women took to the streets, demanding their rights to be heard, side by side with the men. The women called for a mixed demonstration, but religious extremists locked arms to prevent the women from leaving their bloc and joining the men. Those women who managed to break through the cordon—about twenty, all very prominent in intellectual Yemeni society—were pushed back and beaten.

The female protesters in Sana’a reached out to the military leaders after the brutal attack. They apologized and said that they did not give the order to attack the women; the women responded by demanding this exact same apology from the political leadership as well.

Amal is confident that such use of brute force will not be effective for much longer in the current revolutionary phase. Yesterday, a group of 53 women leaders gathered at a seminar to pen a document demanding equality, participation, and representation, which they hope will be discussed in the protesters’ official tents in the coming days.

Amal explained that the current revolutionary phase will end when President Saleh steps down. He currently exerts political leadership over little more than one single district in Sana’a, but he nonetheless retains control over the security forces. “We should not push him into a corner; he is like a man in a cave. Rather, we should make sure he is safe so that he can surrender.” Once the revolutionary phase has been completed, the country will enter a transitional phase, during which Amal believes that Saleh should be tried according to the rule of law.

In response to enquiries about the mood in Change Square, Amal says that the scene is encouraging; 25,000 protesters sleep in the square every night. “Of course, however, it takes only one man to create problems and a deep-rooted sense of uneasiness among the women.”

Throughout the tumult of this revolutionary phase in Yemen, Amal and her female colleagues are very strategically and reasonably planning their next moves and refuse to give in to panic and the excitement of the moment. The women are confident that a new brand of Yemeni woman—brilliant, educated, and well-informed young women—will shape the future of the country.

The foundation does have some cracks in it, however—women belonging to the Islah Party, Yemen’s religious party, have a very different agenda. They are cleverly employing the momentum of the revolution for their own cause, establishing a Salafi state.

Amal herself has received a number of anonymous threats to kidnap her children if she does not keep quiet; even her 70-year mother has received harassing phone calls in Taiz.

In a dramatic appeal, Amal says, “We need the world to help the revolution to succeed. Saleh has used the terrorist agenda to threaten the West, collect money, and stay in power. We need our friends to stand by us now.”

Interview conducted by Edit Schlaffer, Executive Director of Women without Borders / SAVE-Sisters Against Violent Extremsim

Women Leading the Way in Yemen

An op-ed in The Huffington Post by Hibaaq Osman, founder of Karama. Read the original article here.

Glued simultaneously to the TV, Blackberry, laptop, and my own windows, I watched Arab politics come back to life just a few short weeks ago. As someone who has devoted her life to promoting women's human rights and political participation, I continue to rejoice at the role women are playing in the ongoing revolutions spreading across the Arab world. The Western media seem surprised that women are on the streets, raising their voices, protesting for democracy, and walking side by side with men who all want the same thing -- political reform and equal rights. They shouldn't be.

As I write this, all eyes are on Yemen. The country's president of 32 years, Ali Abdullah Saleh, had signaled a desire to step down by the end of 2011 or sooner, but suddenly reversed this decision, declaring that he would make no further concessions to end the crisis. This move is unlikely to placate the growing ranks of opposition members. As even more generals and diplomats move into the opposition camp, the questions are: will Yemen follow the route chosen by Egypt and Tunisia, in which the military stepped in to engineer a swift transition of power, or will Yemen become another Libya, where the elite have fractured into a civil war?

Unfortunately, many pundits and policymakers in the U.S., Europe and throughout the Arab world view this historic opportunity in Yemen through the narrow lens of terrorism. They are publicly fretting about how various scenarios may affect the near term fortunes of extremist groups or whether a next strongman will emerge to provide "stability" to preserve their interests in Yemen's capital, Sana'a. Both approaches are shortsighted.

Instead of more guns to fight terrorism, the West and Yemen's Arab neighbors should be asking how we can support Yemen in a transition to a robust and fully representative democracy. A true democracy in Yemen won't be built overnight, but it is the only thing that can begin to ease the economic despair, political sense of helplessness, and resentment of perceived foreign meddling that breeds terrorism and instability. Women must be part of that transition.

The puzzle of democracy has many pieces: civil society groups, better education, and economic opportunities. Women are 50 percent of that puzzle. Their voices have never been silent, but now, at long last, they're being heard. And well they should be.

On March 8, Women's Day in Yemen, a crowd of hundreds of peaceful female protesters gathered in Sana'a to demand the ouster of President Saleh. The protest was an act of courage that would have been unthinkable even a few weeks ago.

Mona Safwan, a participant in the march, captured the attitude of many protesters:
"The peaceful struggle through the media and pressed for by human rights organizations, the peaceful sit-ins, they did not bear fruit, and also the peaceful demands and peaceful struggle for this country. Now we join the women because the peaceful means did not work. It must be a revolution."

Consider also the case of Tawakul Karman, a 32- year old mother of three who has emerged at the forefront of the movement to oust Saleh. Several stints in prison and an assassination attempt last year have only redoubled Karman's determination as she works to coordinate the sit-ins and demonstrations that are rocking Yemen's political scene, and some observers have floated her name as a possibility for president.

Yet despite demonstrating, taking risks, mobilizing, suffering, marching, and standing side by side with men in the revolutions and protest movements of the modern era, women have historically found themselves omitted from both power and opportunity in revolutions' aftermaths. For instance, only 8 percent of women are ever represented in any type of reconciliation plans. The unfortunate historical record is that, from Mexico to Iran to post-Soviet Eastern Europe, women are often left out of post-revolutionary decision-making processes, exacerbated by traditionally lower participation rates in government, military and business.

Women have made strides in Arab politics in recent years. In 2005, the International Parliamentary Union said that 6.5 per cent of MPs in the Arab world were women, compared with 3.5 per cent in 2000. And in Tunisia, the first Middle Eastern country to fall to regime change in the region, nearly 23 percent of members of Parliament were women. No wonder the media is now taking time to listen "to us." Having witnessed history being made these past few weeks, we must continue to create political comfort zones where we develop local leaders, and where both sides work without interference from identity politics. Nowhere is this currently more evident than Yemen.

In 2005 I founded Karama, a network of groups around the Arab region working to end violence against women and promote female political participation. The organization, whose name means "dignity" in Arabic, has given me a front row view of the triumphs of Arab women like Tawakul Karman, as well as a perspective on the years and decades of hard work that still lie ahead.

We should acknowledge and celebrate the role of Yemeni women in the movement. They are a hopeful sign of the vibrant democracy that might be born in Yemen -- if it is allowed to. But the only way to truly honor struggle and sacrifice of these heroines is to make sure they have an equal seat at the policymaking table the day after Saleh leaves.

Amnesty warns that human rights activists in Yemen are under threat

Amal Basha, chairperson of the Sisters Arab Forum for Human Rights

Amnesty International yesterday reported that human rights activist Amal Basha, chairperson of the Sisters Arab Forum for Human Rights (SAFHR) in Yemen, has been warned to take extra precautions as she may be under threat from security forces.

Basha is said to be suspected by the Yemeni authorities of passing information to the UN Security Council, and thus internationalizing the country's situation. Basha denies the claim.

Amnesty writes that she "received a telephone warning via her office yesterday morning telling her not to leave her home and to take extra precautions."

Amnesty is calling for the Yemeni authorities to investigate this threat to the leading human rights activist and take steps to ensure her safety.

An excerpt from the Amnesty report:

UN Security Council members were briefed on Tuesday on the situation in Yemen by UN officials in a closed session. The Council called for restraint and dialogue in Yemen but failed to agree on a statement.

The Security Council met on a day when at least three more people were killed during ongoing protests in Yemen’s capital, Sana’a.

Yemeni Central Security forces attacked protesters with water cannons, tear gas, batons and live fire.

Protesters were said to have thrown rocks in response to the use of force by security forces.

Those shot dead by the security forces included Anis Ahmed Abdu Saeed al-Usaydi, a SAFHR employee aged 32. The others who died were named as Nasser Muhammed Hizam and Abdul Latif Muhammad Abdullah Muhammad Omar.

Between 50 and 60 other protestors are reported to have been injured, many with gunshot wounds, when security forces opened fire on a demonstration by tens of thousands of protesters in Sana’a.

President Ali Abdallah Saleh has ordered an investigation of the incident and directed the Ministry of Interior to arrest and bring to justice those involved, according to Yemeni state news agency reports.

At least 120 people have been killed in months of anti-government protests in Yemen.

Four female doctors on their way to attend to the injured at a field hospital in Sana’a were arrested by members of Yemeni security forces on Tuesday.

All four, Dr Lamis Muhammad Saeed Dhafer, Dr Tasnim Ali al-Wafi, Dr Hiyam al-Qadesi, and Dr Iman al-Amisi were released at around midnight after civil society organizations had threatened that they would march to the Presidential Palace if they were not released.

In a report entitled, Moment of Truth for Yemen , issued on 6 April 2011, Amnesty International called on the international community to play a more active role if Yemenis are to get accountability for the bloody killings.

A turning point for Yemeni women

Thousands of angry women went on the March in Sana’a to condemn Saleh’s statement that women and men should not mix at protests. Yemen Times Photo by Adnan Al-Rajehi

Nadia Al-Sakkaf, editor in chief of The Yemen Times since 2005 and a member of SAVE Yemen. She has been a very active figure in Yemen and has won awards internationally for her role as a change agent in Yemen’s press and freedom struggle. Nadia tells us why Saleh's disparaging comments about women's participation in the protests were misplaced, and describes how men and women are working together to push for change in Yemen.

In the remote country of Yemen at the end of the Arabian Peninsula there is nothing but trouble. There is poverty, conflict, terrorism, a deteriorating economy and discrimination.

Yet there is another side to the story.

In the remote country of Yemen where beyond there is nothing but sea, hope is everywhere. It radiates from the soaring hearts of young men and women demanding change, in the eyes of women who bake colorful cakes to feed the protestors, in the chants of young kids who are learning for the first time the words of freedom, democracy and human rights.

The problem is that for hope to survive and make a difference it needs a chance. The change makers of Yemen, especially the women, need to be empowered in order to translate hope into progress.

Against all odds Yemeni women have broken all stereotypes and achieved the impossible. In a society ridden with traditional constraints against women, it appears that this revolution is one born and supported by men and women alike.

Not only are women leading the protests and attending to the wounded, women are also active politically in the discussion spheres online and on the ground.

In fact, in Change Square, the launching point of Yemen’s revolution there are families that camped with women and children who are determined not to return home until president Saleh leaves his. It has become personal. And the last thing you want to do is get on the bad side of a Yemeni woman.

At the beginning of the protests, women used to stay in isolated quarters and usually kept to themselves. More than once when I was visiting in the early days, as soon as I appeared at the entrance to the camp two or three men with badges found me and escorted me smoothly across the crowds shouting, “Woman coming…make way!” I found myself weaving my way, out of breath, following my guides feeling protected yet confused… where are they taking me?

In less than seven minutes I found myself approaching a cloth barrier and the men gestured to me to walk the remaining few meters on my own as I was entering a men-free zone.

They were bewildered when I refused to be tucked under the cloth barrier. I thanked them for their protection but explained that I wanted to take a walk around the protest grounds and get a feeling of how things are, not only in the women’s corner which I had already visited recently.

“I am a journalist.” I said and it made all the difference. Suddenly I was given all the freedom to walk and talk to whoever I wanted within those sacred grounds of Change Square, including the women’s corner.

Today, women in Change Square are everywhere. They are no longer confined to that section and they often take the stage to announce or comment on something. Women are there serving food, educating others on their rights or legal issues, or just being there.

It was amazing how there seemed to be a sense of liberation and purpose. It took the tens of thousands living in Change Square less than three months to change their ways and build on each other’s strengths, whether men or women.

Indeed the women’s corner is still there, much larger now that there are more women, but it is not intended to isolate them anymore.

On Friday April 15, President Saleh made a nasty comment on those women. He viciously asked what they were doing there, sleeping in the streets between all these men. His comments angered thousands of women who marched the following day for hours warning him that he is out of line and that they will not leave until he does.

There is great potential in the women of Yemen as peace makers and as human power for rebuilding the country. This is an opportunity to help Yemeni women break the chains that have held them back for many decades.

The time is now, and the women of Yemen are ready.

Thousands protest in Yemen against president's criticism of women's presence at demonstrations

Original article by Ahmed al-Haj in The Republic.

SANAA, Yemen — Yemen's anti-government movement took up the issue of women's rights in the conservative Muslim nation on Saturday, as thousands of demonstrators seeking the president's ouster denounced his comments against the participation of women in protest rallies.

In a speech Friday, President Ali Abdullah Saleh said the mingling of men and women at protests in the capital was against Islamic law. Demonstrators, including thousands of women, responded by marching through the capital of Sanaa and several other cities, shouting: "Saleh, beware of injuring women's honor."

"This insult has made us more determined to remain at the opposition squares with the men to topple the ugly regime," said Jameela al-Qabsi, a female professor at an education college.

Though it was a young woman who first led anti-Saleh demonstrations on a university campus in late January, women didn't begin turning out in large numbers until early March. It was a startling step considering the Muslim nation is a largely tribal society with deeply conservative social and religious traditions.

Many Yemeni women remain out of sight and conceal themselves in public under black head-to-toe robes. The issue of child brides in Yemen has also drawn international criticism. But unlike in neighboring Saudi Arabia, women in Yemen are permitted to vote, run for parliament and drive cars.

Two months of near-daily protests and defections by key allies in the military, powerful tribes and diplomatic corps have failed to bring an end to Saleh's 32-year autocratic rule over the impoverished and fragile nation in the Arabian peninsula.

A crackdown on protesters by Saleh's forces has killed more than 120 people, according to Yemeni rights groups, but has not deterred crowds from gathering.

On Saturday, a group of female protesters presented the chief prosecutor with a complaint against Saleh for his remarks. Amat al-Salam Abdullah, one of the protesters, said the prosecutor ordered an investigation.

"I don't rule out that the president has been traumatized as a result of the involvement of tens of thousands of women in the demonstrations calling for his downfall," said Faiza al-Sharji, a female university professor.

The youth movement leading the anti-government protests took up the women's cause, calling for people to come out in millions on Sunday for a day of "honor and dignity."

The youth movement said in a statement that Saleh's comments were "a continuation of his violations against the Yemeni people after he killed them and accused them of being agents and outlaws."

Advocacy for women's rights in Yemen is rooted in the 1967-1990 period when the once-independent south had a socialist government. After unification, women in the south became more marginalized, resulting in high unemployment among female university graduates.

Breaking News: Women and children targeted by government forces in Yemen

Yemeni government forces have killed 24 children in their crack down on protesters since “Bloody Friday” on March 18, according to UNICEF

Two minors were killed during the massacre in Sana’a several weeks ago, and the growing unrest has led to further child casualties.

Yemenis have petitioned international organizations, including UNICEF, to put pressure on the Saleh government to cease using violence against children.

Women bringing a similar petition to the UN Development Program headquarters in Sana’a were attacked by government forces, Maha*, a SAVE contact in Sana’a, said. Women initiated the petition to condemn the deaths of protesters in the southern city of Taiz, and were bringing it to the UNDP, when government forces stopped their cars and assaulted drivers and passengers.

Protests bring about social change and unity

Women continue to be very active in the protests in Yemen, and their treatment in Change Square in Sana’a is symbolic of a new social atmosphere in Yemen.

“Women are treated with grace and respect in the square... Usually in Yemen, women get harassed all the time, but in Change Square nobody touches me," said Afrah Nasser on her blog.

Tawakkol Karman, a leading female activist, stated in an article in The Guardian that the protests have brought all sections of Yemeni society together like never before. Most Yemenis agree that the protest have provided them with a common cause which overshadows their differences.

“Protesters come from all segments of Yemeni society, united by one demand - to oust Saleh,” writes Nasser. “Contrary to what the president has been predicting about a civil war looming on the horizon in the event of his resignation, representatives of different tribes are protesting together at Change Square, acting in complete harmony. In fact, there have even been reports of tribes making peace and resolving long-running grudges as a result of this new atmosphere of unity.”

However, activists caution that these newly-founded bonds may break apart, as differences are reasserted and fights for power commence, should the protests succeed in toppling Saleh's regime. “We need to give people a new cause, give them ownership of the revolution, and involve youth in plans for the future,” said Nadia Al-Sakkaf, editor of The Yemen Times. “This is the time for a stronger civil society and media to develop. It is a turning point. If we don’t seize this chance, we will regret it.”

Gulf Cooperation Council rejected by opposition parties
Today the opposition parties announced their refusal to take part in the Gulf Cooperation Council initiative to mediate between the government and protesters. The initiative was viewed with suspicion by some, as Saudi Arabia, a leader of the Gulf Cooperation Council, is traditionally a supporter of President Saleh. Young people in Change Square asked the opposition parties not to accept the proposal, as they are discontent with any deal that would grant Saleh immunity from conviction for the alleged corruption and crimes committed during his 32-year presidency. They also worry that intervention by Saudi Arabia could mean the replacement of Saleh with a similar regime.

“Yemenis and Saudis love each other as neighbours,” Maha said. “But many people do not want intervention. They are afraid that the Saudis will find someone else who will just follow their line.”

Nadia Al-Sakkaf, editor of Yemen Times, expressed hope for the initiative despite the early failures. “Saudi Arabia is our big brother. Although these talks got off to a rocky start, they could still be successful, depending on how strongly other countries, like the USA, push.”

Intervention in Yemeni politics is a touchy subject, and Qatar is today coming under fire from Yemeni pro-government protesters. Demonstrators outside the Qatar embassy in Sana’a are condemning Qatar’s loud and uncompromising calls for Saleh’s exit.

Neglected southern provinces should provide next president and a Yemeni first lady, some say

With talks halted, violence continues in various cities of Yemen. In Sana’a yesterday, one protester was killed and one was critically injured, during huge protests against violence in Taiz, around 200 kilometers south of Sana’a. Taiz continues to experience severe unrest, with several killed on Friday.

Taiz suffers from underdevelopment due to insufficient investment by the central government. There is mass youth unemployment and a poor infrastructure. Nurses in the town complain of a lack of medical supplies to treat wounded protesters. The poor economic and social structures fan the fire of revolution in Taiz.

In fact, there has been some talk that a new president should be from the south of Yemen. Since unification of North and South Yemen in 1990, the Southern provinces have been ruled over by a Northern president. Maha suggested that it might be good for Yemen to have a more open-minded, well-educated president from the South. Women are also hoping that Yemen may for the first time have a visible First Lady; President Saleh has never presented any of his female relatives to the public. “It would be great for Yemen to have a First Lady,” said Maha. “It would have a good impact on all our work, and we would hopefully have a role model for Yemeni women, and someone to turn a greater focus on women’s issues.”

*Name has been changed

BREAKING NEWS: Yemeni women call on international community to support their urgent demand for inclusion

Women in Yemen claim that international pressure is essential if their voices are to be included in decisions about the country’s future.

Figures such as Tawakkol Karman have become increasingly prominent in Yemen’s current uprisings. Women are playing a key role in mobilizing protesters and leading demands for change. However, the experience of Egypt shows that women are too often forgotten once revolutionaries have achieved their goal.

“The international community must put pressure on Yemen’s decision-makers to include women in any new administration; otherwise they will not do it,” said Nadia Al-Saqqaf, editor of the Yemen Times. “There has to be a fair recognition of the part women are playing. The international community should use a carrot and stick approach to encourage decision-makers to include women.”

The participation of civil society, youth and intellectuals in an emerging administration will be decisive for Yemen’s future, Nadia adds. She is hoping for a presidential council that will carry out the transfer of power under a clear mandate, and for extensive financial support to flow into Yemen. The country’s economy has been hit hard by the protests, and Nadia predicts that recovery will take years.
However, the protests in Yemen seem to be far from over. Over the last two days, deadly clashes in Taiz, a city in the south of Yemen, have left at least 19 dead and hundreds injured. The clashes occurred when protesters – many of them students at Taiz University - marched on the town hall, apparently in an attempt to occupy the building. Government forces stopped them, using bats, daggers and a brand of tear gas, which some have claimed is illegal under international law. Facebook has lately been inundated with videos and images of the attacks.

Opinions differ as to who was at fault in these clashes. Although many believe the government response was disproportionate, some Yemenis believe that the protesters’ actions were too aggressive, worrying that the violence will jeopardize dialogue and be used by Saleh as an excuse to stay on.

Sana’a has seen further disturbances today, with the New York Times reporting that tribesmen loyal to Saleh have clashed with soldiers who have joined the opposition, leaving three dead.

There are ongoing skirmishes and stone-throwing between government supporters and anti-government protesters in Sana’a. Some streets of the capital are in lock-down mode due to frequent clashes – shops and businesses are shut, while many residents have evacuated.

Maha*, another contact in Yemen, says that many Yemenis are “thrilled” by the increased pressure that the USA is exerting on Saleh to step down. However, many are worried that Yemen may end up in a similar position to Libya. President Saleh’s administration has agreed to attend talks with opposition leaders in Riyadh. Locals view this initiative with skepticism, believing that little progress will be made. Saleh is also expected to demand diplomatic immunity for himself and his family for the rest of his life if he is to stand down. But it is unlikely that Yemenis would accept such a compromise. “Saleh should pay for what he has done to the country,” said one Sana’a resident.

Fears are increasing that the unrest in Yemen is paving the way for radical forces to gain a stronger foothold in the country. Women, as strong advocates for dialogue, democracy and non-violence, must be included in government, in order to create a safe arena for moderate voices. Saleh has said that he wants to leave Yemen in safe hands: a responsible, accountable and stable government requires the participation of the whole of society, both male and female.

*Name has been changed

Yemeni Women Find Their Voices

In the traditional Yemeni culture, women are often not heard. However, many are now taking an active part in the uprisings. This article was originally published on the website of the Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), written by Afrah Nasser.

Traditionally in Yemen, women are – literally – not allowed to raise their voices. In peaceful circumstances, even calling out in the street to attract someone’s attention is considered unacceptable behaviour. But now, in the protests, it is very much welcomed and there is an amazing response when we raise our voices.

Everybody acknowledges that yes, we do have a voice, and the role of women in this uprising is increasing day by day as we enter a new time of freedom for everyone.

Women’s participation in this revolution started on a very small scale. There were only about ten women in Sana’a’s Change Square when the pro-democracy protests started. But with each day, it has been noticeable how the numbers of women grew as female protesters brought their sisters, cousins, friends. The number multiplied incredibly. Women are treated with grace and respect in the square. When I go there, I am treated like a VIP. Usually in Yemen, women get harassed all the time, but in Change Square nobody touches me. It is the safest place in Sana’a for women.

And life is indeed challenging for Yemeni women, every day. We constantly fight to claim our rights at home, in the street, at work. In any kind of field, a woman has to increase her efforts hugely to succeed. For instance, a 19-year-old cousin of mine won a scholarship to study in Germany and her brother refused to let her go. After a big fight, she had no choice but to give in.

If a man makes one per cent effort, a woman needs to make 200 per cent effort to get the same result. I work as a journalist and I am the only woman in the newsroom. Even there my colleagues find it hard to accept that I do go to places dominated by men to report.

There is some political participation by women, but it is very timid - women still live in a prison of their own fear. We are not very politically aware. It is a process and we are still at the very beginning. There are a few women politicians and about 18 months ago President Ali Abdullah Saleh instituted a 15 per cent quota of seats for women – but there aren’t enough women politicians to fill it.

But despite this women have been participating in the protests to an unbelievable extent. The female protesters come from all sectors of Yemeni society - women who do not have their faces covered, like me, and others are much more conservative. They are coming to an awareness that they have to be a huge part of building this country. We gain in confidence and women begin to think that they have to have a voice, a place in this new society - something that has never happened before.

Talking to other friends of mine, we feel we are revolting against our parents too. It’s a double revolution, inside our homes as well as in Change Square. Each one of us faces resistance from our parents, who demand to know why we think change is so important. Many of our parents are devoted to the president and the old regime, and they are opposed to us taking part in the demonstrations. So we face oppression both at home and in the public sphere.

The extremism and violence Saleh predicts will sweep Yemen without him is just propagan da. None of that will happen and I don’t see the danger of a civil war. I would like to see a peaceful transfer of power and the beginning of a new, democratic process, to have the same result here as in Egypt and Tunisia.

I am not worried that there will be violence like there is now in Libya. There is no way things will deteriorate here to that extent. The violence last week in which more than 50 people were killed won’t be repeated, I don’t think.

I am worried about what the future holds – not because of the fear of violence, but because of the uncertainty. But when I go to Change Square I see the harmony and tolerance between the different protesters, a sign that a peaceful change is possible.

Nadia Al-Saqqaf, SAVE Yemen, on PBS Newshour

Nadia Al-Saqqaf, editor of the Yemen Times and representative of SAVE Yemen appeared on PBS Newshour on March 24 to give an insight into the demands of the protestors in Yemen, and apprehensions about the future.

Watch the full episode. See more PBS NewsHour.

The Jasmine revolution has made one thing very clear: Women are today a force to reckon with.

SAVE, for the last two years has been propagating one thing: ‘Say No to Violent Extremism’- no matter who is behind it - state, clergy, extremist organizations or individuals. The Jasmine revolution has thrown up a number of female role models who prove that women are change makers that propagate this philosophy, says Archana Kapoor, SAVE India.

The Yemeni Ambassador to India, Khadija Radman Mohamed Ghanem, a woman, is one such example. On March 22, 2011, after the death of 52 Yemeni civilians at the hands of government forces, Khadija declared openly her support for the protesters. In fact the 57-year-old Kahdija, who came to India in 2010,sent a statement to the Al Arabiya TV channel saying: “We, ambassador of Yemen and Yemen’s diplomatic corps, declare our support for the peaceful youth revolution in Yemen and their demand for transition in the country after the situation worsened in a very painful manner...We cannot accept it or justify it.”

The statement also said, “We will continue our assignment as member of the diplomatic corps of Yemen,” signed by the ambassador and four of her diplomatic colleagues. Kahdija was deputy minister for women’s affairs in Yemen.

I think this is the kind of courage we need to reject violence. The Jasmine revolution has made one thing very clear: Women are today a force to reckon with. The scent of the Jasmine Revolution which spread like wild fire in the Arab world, clearly reflects the important role that women can and have played in ousting and fighting violence.

Before the revolution in Tunisia, the only reference to women was to the First Lady, Laila Al Trabelsi, and her excesses. She collected real estate, villas and bank accounts, unlike the First lady of Philippines Imelda Marcus, who only collected shoes! The protests grew with women coming out onto the streets in full force, and breaking down stereotypes. Women were on the frontlines of the protests chanting slogans like “Bread, water, and no Ben Ali”. The most popular slogan on the streets was “No to the Trabelsis who looted the budget”.

In Egypt we saw images of women moving along side men, protesting, shouting and spending nights at the Tahrir square. Women from all walks of life- poor, rich, middle class, with heads covered or uncovered, Christians and Muslims- all demanded the ouster of Hosni Mubarak. They relentlessly faced the batons of the police, the bullets and the tear gas. Postings on Facebook and Twitter only helped their cause and got more and more women on the streets.

Today Bahrain, Yemen, Syria and more countries in West Asia are going through a crisis. The women of the world need to unite and provide comfort to those whose children are being slaughtered- killed indiscriminately for asking for their rights. Today we all need to be part of this campaign...we all need to say NO to violence and extremism!!

BREAKING NEWS: SAVE Yemen, Massive explosion kills 160

A massive explosion hit an ammunitions factory today in the town of Jaar, Abyan, among rising fears that Islamist extremism will be used as an excuse for President Saleh to stay in power. Maha* told us that 160 people have so far died due to the blast, many of them women and children. Yemeni people expect the government to announce that Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) is behind the incident, although most believe it is a plot by the government. According to people on the ground, government soldiers had left the factory, leaving it open for locals to raid. The blast took place while the civilians were inside the factory. “Yemenis think this is one of Saleh’s plays to prove to the international community that Yemen will descend into chaos if he steps down,” said Maha. “Saleh is playing the Al-Qaeda card.”

Safe hands could be a woman’s hands: protesters support Amat Al Alim Alsoswa for president

President Saleh now appears on television daily to make statements about his intentions. The latest reports show that he withdrew an offer to step down within 6 months, saying that he will only leave if he can turn the country over to “safe hands”.

Speculation that those hands could be female has increased over the last few days. Although many at first identified Tawakkol Karman as a strong option for change in Yemen, support has increased for another candidate: Amat Al Alim Alsoswa. Alsoswa is famous for being one of the only women to reach high government postings in Yemen. She was educated in Egypt and the USA, and became Yemen’s first woman undersecretary for the Ministry of Information, first woman ambassador to the Netherlands, and first woman minister for Human Rights. She is now Director of the UNDP’s Regional Bureau for Arab States. “Alsoswa is very respected in Yemen,” said Maha. “Yemen has been ruled by queens before, and those were the best times this country knew. It would be great for us to be ruled by a woman in modern times. I doubt that it is possible, but who knows; during a revolution, miracles can happen.”

Women’s role in the protests is changing day by day. Women have begun to stay overnight in Change Square, sleeping in tents. Such practices would never normally be accepted in Yemen. Some Yemenis express their concern over Facebook: “One protester wrote on Facebook that he respects all the women who have joined the revolution, but that he does not like the fact that women are staying in the tents,” said Maha.

Discontent with international intentions

Certain segments of the Yemeni society have expressed their wish for the international community to ask Saleh to step down. After observing the revolutions in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, Yemeni youth leaders expected a stronger reaction from other governments in support of their drive for change. The revolutionaries continue to reject Saleh’s claim that the country will descend into civil war, should he step down. They emphasize that, although there are a predicted 60 million guns in Yemen, the revolution has been peaceful from the beginning.

Sandstorm increases difficulties in Sana’a as revolution drifts towards stalemate

A huge sandstorm hit Sana’a yesterday, where people are still protesting by the thousands in the streets. Young people in Change Square are wearing masks and struggling to breathe in the dust-filled air. The sandstorm began on Sunday, and is predicted to continue for three days. Maha, our contact in Yemen, says it is one of the strongest she has seen. Some schools have stopped teaching due to the sand, but protesters remain undeterred.

Other sections of the population are beginning to lose their optimism. “Yemen will collapse economically before it collapses politically,” commented one Yemeni professor. Prices have increased exponentially since the beginning of the revolution. Maha estimates that the price of gas has gone up 50%. Gas is now hardly available outside the black market. “I do not know how they are surviving,” Maha said of the large number of Yemenis who live in poverty. Many of them live on less than 1 US dollar a day.

*Name has been changed.