Muslims, not Arabs - By Arshi Saleem Hashmi

Since the 1970s, many factors have combined to make Pakistan a fertile ground for the Wahhabi creed exported by Saudi Arabia. How might the next generation of Pakistanis change this? By Arshi Saleem Hashmi (Published in the Friday Times, Pakistan's weekly Independent Newspaper)

SAVE Sister Arshi Saleem Hashmi

C. G. Jung beautifully describes the synthesizing Indo-Persian culture that historically shaped Muslim identity in the subcontinent in these words:
"The Taj symbolized an incredible flowering of the "delicate secret of the rose gardens of Shiraz and the silent patios of Arabian palaces... in the rich Indian earth"

- (Civilization in Transition, the Collective Works of C.G.Jung Vol. 10. P. 519-520)

The confusion over the Arabist shift with the Islamization process has led to the monolithic world view derived from Islamic orthodoxy and has become the guiding principle for many radical young minds in Pakistan. In Pakistan, our dilemma has been that domestic and international politics as well as societal issues are articulated in a purely religious idiom. Such Islamic indoctrination emphasizes that political and social developments are shaped primarily by the conflict-based interaction between Islam and other religions, especially Hinduism, Judaism and Christianity. Instead of emphasizing the notion of Pakistan as a nation state based on cultural and religious pluralism, ideas like Islamic universalism, militancy and "Islam versus the rest" are highlighted by radical religious groups which have affected the psyche of the whole nation.

The Zia regime linked Arabism with Islam, not realizing or deliberately ignoring the fact that Islam is a religion, while "Arabism" is more of a cultural notion. "Islamization" of the society through "Arabization" was considered the right policy by the regime at that time. To ensure that the next generation of young Pakistanis was full of Islamic zeal and "well informed" of their glorious past, education was made the first casualty of this experiment.

Though the secular leadership of the Pakistan Movement emphasized the Muslim community, it never intended to create a theocratic Sunni state. The early death of Mohammad Ali Jinnah left the question of Islam's role in society unresolved. Pakistani leaders have frequently used religion to define state ideology. Historian Ayesha Jalal argues that this has led to Islam actually becoming a "divisive force in so far as it is being utilized by the state to deny people's rights or even to deny diversity."

Pakistan's constant socio-political upheavals have led to disillusionment among the masses. The youth is unable to see a promising future, and hence tries to attain solace in religion; and that is where radical religious organizations exploit them. It is historically true that a strong sense of grievance has reinforced Islam's role as a medium for asserting identity by its followers.

During the Cold War, while the state was defining religion for us, educational institutions under the guideline provided by the authorities were endorsing a false perception that Islam was spread through the sword (waging Jihad against infidels). Further, public opinion was made to reflect the idea that Arabism and Islam are complementary and mutually reinforcing. In their drive towards homogeneity and authenticity of Islam, Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries and the recipients of their money (non-Arab Islamic societies) equally emphasized 'Arabization' as the norm, the pure and ideal form of Islam to be followed by Muslims.

It is interesting that initially, the Sunni Bralevi groups were encouraged against progressive, liberal parties in order to create the "Islamic character" of the nation that was "lost "due to Bhutto's social democracy. But as they say, no one can survive without money for long, and neither did these groups.

The government needed money, and Saudi Arabia provided wealth with only one caveat: to encourage Wahhabi ideology in the Pakistan/Afghanistan region. One reason for this was to "serve" the religion whereas the other was purely geo-political, as Saudi Arabia wanted to have its influence in the region to counter Shiite Iran. The Arabi versus Ajami war was fought on our grounds. The US administration was satisfied as the Soviets were contained through Saudi Arabia without the need of a single US soldier on ground.

Historically, Wahhabism had never taken root in the region because it prohibited a lot of practices that were common to South Asian life. Wahhabism was largely confined to the Arabian Peninsula until the 1960s, when the Saudi monarchy gave refuge to radical members of the Muslim Brotherhood fleeing persecution in Nasser's Egypt. The isolated Wahhabi creed of the Saudi religious establishment and the Salafi jihadist teachings of Sayyid Qutb, who denounced secular Arab rulers as unbelievers and legitimate targets of holy war (jihad), were coordinated and co-opted. Thus it was the synthesis of Wahhabi social and cultural conservatism, and Qutbist political radicalism, that produced the militant variety of Wahhabist political Islam that eventually produced al-Qaeda.

During the 1970s, Wahhabi clerics encouraged the spread of their ideology into Saudi universities and mosques, because it was seen as a barrier to the threat of cultural Westernization and the spread of the corruption that accompanied the 1970s oil boom. The diversion that the royal family seized upon was the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Wahhabism gained considerable influence in the Muslim world following a tripling in the price of oil in the mid-1970s.

The new Islamic identity was then the steady process of transformation from a secular, inclusive and an adaptive form of Islam to a more textual, ritualistic and exclusive one guided by exogenous forces, as ideas, practices and finances flowed in from the Arab world. The transformation brought about conflicts - not only within Islam with regard to its correct interpretation and desirable way of life, but also among Muslims and other countries.

Pakistan continued to grapple with the question of its identity - whether to be a secular democratic country for Muslims and other religious minorities or an Islamic state. Even now most Pakistanis remain vague about their faith. To most, Islam is intermixed with folk practices and Sufism.

Moderate non-Arab Muslims all over the world and Pakistanis in particular need to work towards reinventing a true synthesis of culture and religion rather than being influenced by Arabization to prove their true Islamic credentials. De-Arabization can help Pakistan ease relations with its immediate South and Central Asian neighbors with whom relations have been severely affected due to the deliberate association with Saudi Arabia.

Interestingly, the more Pakistan tries to associate itself with the Arab world, the more it is reminded of its non-Arab credentials and its South Asian roots. The crisis in Pakistan has exposed the Arab lack of empathy vis-a-vis violent conflicts, natural disasters and health issues. Pakistan's position as a non-Arab, non Middle Eastern country that is not connected with Arab politics and culture is very clear among the Arabs. As columnist Rafia Zakaria has written: "This point, emphasized repeatedly in the coverage of Obama's speech by Al Jazeera, Al Arabiyya and other networks, should be worthy of note to Pakistanis. Not only did several Arab anchors refuse to acknowledge the refugee crisis and civil war in Pakistan as a pressing issue facing the Muslim world, they quite indifferently discarded it as something inconsequential to the Arab world."

Despite this attitude, Pakistani political-religious parties as well as radical militant groups are all praise for the "Brother Arab" countries, whose only display of brotherly attitude is showering these organizations and political parties with millions of dollars of zakat money. This should be enough to remind the so-called "Arabist" proponents that for Arabs, South Asian Muslims are just another underdeveloped community, which needs to be purified by an Arabist shift in their culture.

The long-term solution to the problem of identity would require massive changes in the fundamental agents of socialization of Pakistan's polity. Pakistan at present faces the challenge of reinventing itself both at the state level as well as the societal level. More so, it needs to adopt a top-down approach to reform and reconstruct the conceptual and ideological orientation to undo the state's enforcement of a particular sect of Islam.

If society appears indifferent about the nature of religiosity, it is not because people want it that way, but because there is a great deal of confusion that can only be removed if the state starts to patronize a pluralist society. This can be done through reforming of education syllabi, media programs and free intellectual discourse on religion and culture in the Pakistani context.

The key question is this: how far will the new generation differ from the one that was lost to orthodoxy and militancy?

Click on the following Link to view the original articlehttp://www.thefridaytimes.com/beta2/tft/article.php?issue=20120413&page=28

A Call for Unity Against Terrorism

"A teacher comforts a school child as they observe a minute of silence at a Jewish school in Paris to pay tribute to the four victims killed by a gunman at a Jewish school in Toulouse, March 20, 2012." Photo Credit: Reuters.

          By killing seven French citizens, the suspect in the tragic Toulouse murders, Mohamed Merah, has sought—in his own words—to “bring France to its knees.” Merah reportedly joined the Islamist group Forsane Alizza (Knights of Pride), whose primary goal is to “protect the honor of Muslim women.” Now that the suspect has been killed, the central point will not be whether Al Qaeda or any other terrorist group claim responsibility for the attack—this is now about our responsibility as global civil society. We, non-Muslims and Muslims across ethnic, religious, and ideological divides, must stand up and speak out against terrorism. We cannot afford to be silent bystanders—a self-styled jihadist cannot be allowed to question our values that create a common bond of humanity. As Elie Wiesel, the Nobel Laureate and Holocaust survivor, once said, there are only two categories of people: good and evil. Now is the moment not only to choose where we belong, but also to take action and to defend our values and beliefs. Earlier on Wednesday, President Sarkozy called on his fellow citizens "to unite together to show that terrorism will not be able to fracture our national community." We must extend this call to action beyond national boundaries to all of humanity.

         The question “who was Mohamed Merah,” whom experts describe as a lone wolf and an Al Qaeda jihadi, the nice young next-door-neighbor who turned into an ideologically-driven killing machine, will occupy police and terrorism analysts for many years to come. We at Women without Borders/SAVE believe we have to broaden the analytical spectrum of community and family-based approaches to prevention.

OSCE highlights need to involve women in efforts to counter violent extremism, terrorist radicalization

VIENNA, 12 MARCH 2012 – Ways of empowering women in countering violent extremism and radicalization that leads to terrorism is the focus of a two-day expert meeting organized by the OSCE today in Vienna.

More than 100 experts in the fields of security, gender and human rights, from government, academia, and civil society, will discuss good practices and lessons learnt from women’s initiatives in tackling the issue.

Maj Britt Theorin, Chairperson of a Sweden-based NGO "Operation 1325" (r) and keynote speaker Detective Inspector Khizra Dhindsa representing the Association of Chief Police Officers of England and Wales (l) speaks at an OSCE-organized expert meeting with a focus on ways of empowering women in countering violent extremism and radicalization that leads to terrorism, Vienna, 12 March 2012. (OSCE/Mehdi Knani)

“For too long, terrorism has been viewed exclusively as a male problem,” said keynote speaker Detective Inspector Khizra Dhindsa, the national lead officer for Project Shanaz, an initiative by the Association of Chief Police Officers of England and Wales to engage women against violent extremism and terrorism.

“Structures, advisory bodies and methods were never intended to cater for women’s inclusion in counter-terrorism - therefore they are not effective. It is as if we have been trying to fly on one wing,” she said.

Assia Ivantcheva, the Acting Head of the Human Rights Department of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) said governments and civil society have an important responsibility to empower women and to factor in their experiences into counter-terrorism efforts.

“It is only through a gender-sensitive and human rights compliant approach that counter-terrorism measures can be sustainable and effective,” said Ivantcheva.

Elaine Hargrove, Programme Director for the Sisters against Violent Extremism (SAVE) initiative, stressed that women are eager to develop the knowledge and tools to help protect their families, neighbourhoods and societies against the threat of violent extremism and terrorism.

“Women are strategically positioned to help raise awareness about the threat of violent extremism and to empower their communities to reduce the appeal of extremist ideologies,” she said.

The meeting was organized by ODIHR jointly with the Gender Section and the Transnational Threats Department of the OSCE Secretariat. It follows an expert meeting held in December 2011 on the dynamics behind the terrorist radicalization of women and ways to prevent it.

Elaine Hargrove, Programme Director of Sisters against Violent Extremism
at a recent SAVE/Mothers for Change workshop in Tajikistan

 Click on the following link to read the original article by OSCE http://www.osce.org/atu/88880

Laurie Penny: That's enough politeness – women need to rise up in anger

The men who run the world have become too used to not being afraid. Let's make them afraid

To get into the UN Commission on the Status of Women, you have to get past several ranks of large armed men. In the foyer, you can buy UN women-themed hats and tote bags, and pick up glossy pamphlets about this year's International Women's Day, but what you can't pick up is the slightest sense of urgency. In the 101 years since the first International Women's Day, all the passionate politics seems to have been leached out of the women's movement.


International Women's Day began as a day of rebellion and outlandish demands – Equal pay! Votes for women! Reproductive rights! – but 101 years later, judging by the invitations in my email inbox, it seems to be more about jazzy corporate lunches, poetry competitions and praising our valued sponsors. At the UN, in a session on body image and the media, delegates (who are meeting this week) applauded politely as a promotional anti-airbrushing video by Dove cosmetics was shown. Cabinet Minister Lynne Featherstone gave a speech in which she condemned the "distorted image of beauty" offered by cosmetics advertisers, and lauded the efforts Dove has apparently made to change this while selling body lotion at £7.49 a tube.

The British delegates present failed entirely to mention that Featherstone is part of a government responsible for putting more women out of work than at any point since records began. Lynne Featherstone and Dove cosmetics claim to be on the side of "real" women, but one suspects that the single mothers whose benefits are about to be cut and the domestic violence victims whose refuges are being closed may not find that prospect terribly comforting.

Graphics by The Independant

A huge cultural change is taking place all over the world right now. Over the past year, from the Arab Spring uprisings to the global anti-corporate occupations, young people and workers have realised that they were flogged a false dream of prosperity in return for quiet obedience, exhausting, precarious jobs and perpetual debt – most of it shouldered by women, whose low-status, low-paid and unpaid work has driven the expansion of exploitative markets across the world. Equality, like prosperity, was supposed to trickle down, but not a lot can trickle down through a glass ceiling.

Women, like everyone else, have been duped. We have been persuaded over the past 50 years to settle for a bland, neoliberal vision of what liberation should mean. Life may have become a little easier in that time for white women who can afford to hire a nanny, but the rest of us have settled for a cheap, knock-off version of gender revolution. Instead of equality at work and in the home, we settled for "choice", "flexibility" and an exciting array of badly paid part-time work to fit around childcare and chores. Instead of sexual liberation and reproductive freedom, we settled for mitigated rights to abortion and contraception that are constantly under attack, and a deeply misogynist culture that shames us if we're not sexually attractive, dismisses us if we are, and blames us if we are raped or assaulted, as one in five of us will be in our lifetime.

Feminism, however, has not been a sustained part of this mood of popular indignation. Not yet. One year ago in Tahrir Square, women marching on International Women's Day were sexually and physically assaulted by some of the same men they had stood side by side with during the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak. Meanwhile, with women and girls bearing the brunt of the financial crisis across the world, the biggest discussions of women's role in the Occupy movement have focused on how to protect them from rapes that have occurred in the protest camps. This week, though, we've seen the first inklings of a women's fightback that is a little less delicate and demure.

What would a radical women's fightback look like? It might look a little bit like hundreds of women and men linking arms on the steps of the Capitol building in the US state of Virginia, where lawmakers are attempting to force women seeking abortions to submit to trans-vaginal ultrasounds – being penetrated with a medical rod – before they can have the procedure.

Last week, riot police in full armour were dispatched to drag the Occupy Virginia protesters to jail as they demanded an end to this insulting attack on women's right to choose. Female protesters are currently being processed by Virginia courts on charges of trespass.

What would a daring feminist cultural shift look like? It might look like two young mothers in a Moscow jail, arrested for flash-mobbing churches with short skirts, guitars and an agenda against corruption and institutional sexism. The members of the punk-rock girl band "Pussy Riot" are currently on hunger strike, after being imprisoned for singing rude songs about Vladimir Putin in public. They face jail-time of up to seven years. It seems that as soon as women stop asking politely for the change we want to see, the crackdowns come quick and hard.

Politeness is a habit that what's left of the women's movement needs to grow out of. Most women grow up learning, directly or indirectly, how to be polite, how to defer, how to be good employees, mothers and wives, how to shop sensibly and get a great bikini body. We are taught to stay off the streets, because it's dangerous after dark. Politeness, however, has bought even the luckiest of us little more than terminal exhaustion, a great shoe collection, and the right to be raped by the state if we need an abortion. If we want real equality, we're going to have to fight for it.

Like the suffragettes and socialists who called the first International Women's Day over a century ago, women who believe in a better world are going to have to start thinking in deeds, not words. With women under attack financially, socially and sexually across the developed and developing world, with assaults on jobs, welfare, childcare, contraception and the right to choose, the time for polite conversation is over. It's time for anger. It's time for daring, direct action, big demands, big dreams. The men who still run the world from boardrooms and government offices have become too used to not being afraid of what women will do if we are attacked, used and exploited. We must make them afraid.

Deeds, not words. Fewer business lunches, more throwing punches. Of course, there will be consequences. Those large armed men aren't just there for decoration, and the suffragettes who had their breasts twisted and their bones broken in prison 101 years ago knew that full well. But they also knew what we must now begin to remember – that the consequences of staying quiet and ladylike are always far more serious.


Click on this link to view the original article published by The Independent: 
http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/laurie-penny-thats-enough-politeness--women-need-to-rise-up-in-anger-7544480.html#

Update from Tajikistan - SAVE Paving the Way for Mothers' Schools

Workshop participants in a planning session

How many of our readers can locate Tajikistan on a map? It is strategically placed in the heart of Central Asia, and shares a 1400 km border with Afghanistan, a volatile border with Uzbekistan pocked by landmines, and a border with Kyrgyzstan which is not demarcated for stretches on end. Unemployment rates are as high as 80% in some regions, leading over two million Tajiks to search for work in Russia. Many here do not have electricity at home. We met an impressive young Tajik woman whose mother was a math teacher in Tajikistan, but found she could earn more money scrubbing toilets in Russia. She and her husband migrated to Russia to put her eldest daughter through university, which also meant that the eldest daughter suddenly had to raise her two sisters on her own. Last year, five young women killed themselves in a village in Gafurov within the span of one week, due to unhappy forced marriages and desperation resulting from their financial situation. Married women commit suicide to flee violent relationships, although this topic of conversation is taboo, meaning that many women have nowhere to turn to discuss their issues.

The young generation is particularly affected by the lack of employment opportunities, and there are few ways in which to spend their free time. Boredom and lack of perspective seem to increase their vulnerability to radical forces, which offer the youth a sense of brotherhood/sisterhood, financial support, and promises that the afterlife will be better than their present fate.

A view up to the mountains of Tajikistan

Twenty-two female community mobilizers and teachers came together to attend a five-day SAVE Mothers for Change! teamshaping workshop in Khujand, where they gained a strong group identity and announced their commitment to sensitize mothers to their role in combating violent extremism. They reached the joint conclusion to launch “Mothers Schools” in villages in two regions in northern Tajikistan, to provide courses on combating radicalization and to offer classes on a range of other topics of interest, from how to raise children to agricultural techniques. The Mothers Schools will break new ground concerning women’s role in combating violent extremism.

The Panjshanbe Market in Khujand

The women’s dedication and passion for improving their communities was striking; although many of these women never received higher education, their ability to analytically assess their needs and develop potential best practices for implementation holds significant promise for women-driven change in Tajikistan.

In this desperate situation, the youth we are meeting in Dushanbe—young men and women who were educated abroad but have returned to build a new future for their country—provide a ray of hope.

Despite Revolution Setbacks, Egyptian Women Refuse to Step Back into the Shadows - By Shahira Amin

SAVE Sister Shahira Amin

The women of Egypt were at the vanguard in the 18-day mass uprising that toppled former President Hosni Mubarak in January 2011. But since the revolution, women have remained sidelined and marginalized, and have faced rigorous efforts to push them back into the shadows.

As they continue to fight for equality, women in Egypt are concerned that the gains they've made in recent years may be reversed as a rising tide of Islamism threatens to undermine their rights. Islamists took a commanding lead in Egypt's recent parliamentary elections winning more than 70% of the seats--a prospect that has worried liberals and especially women seeking gender equality. Only a handful of women have taken up seats in the new parliament after a Mubarak-era quota system reserving 68 seats for women was abolished ahead of the September vote. The election results have fuelled fears that many obstacles still stand in the way of women playing a full role in political life.

There are also concerns that the centuries-old tradition of female genital mutilation-- prevalent especially in the rural communities of Egypt-may continue unchecked. This, after recent calls by some Islamists to scrap a 2008 Health Ministry Decree criminalizing the harmful practice. Opponents of the law reject it because they link it to the Mubarak era and perceive it as part of "a set of foreign values imposed on Egyptians by the former regime."

But despite the setbacks, optimists argue there are a few hopeful signs for future progress, like Bothaina Kamel's bid for the presidency. Egypt's first female Presidential candidate realizes that her chances of winning the top post are slim. Still, she says she wants to shatter the glass ceiling and make it possible
for women to compete in future presidential elections.

Kamel travels the country touring deprived neighborhoods and campaigning for equal rights not just for women but also for all minority groups, including Copts, Nubians and Bedouins. Her efforts have earned her a huge following among both sexes, including young girls who tweet that she has given them "a chance to dream.'" Kamel often takes her campaign to Tahrir Square, the epicenter of the January mass protests, and leads the chants for "Bread, freedom and social justice!"

But not everyone shares Kamel’s passion and enthusiasm. A year after the mass protests that overthrew Hosni Mubarak, Egyptians are growing increasingly weary. The country is divided into two camps: the revolutionary forces and what many here call the "couch party", referring to those who do not wish to involve themselves in politics and who opt for stability and a state of normalcy. "The emotional upheavals of the past year have drained us ," says Essam Makhlouf, a taxi driver. "We simply want to get on with our lives." He points at a military tank patrolling the street and shakes his head in dismay.

After reports of widespread thuggery and looting, the Egyptian armed forces stationed military tanks on the streets again in an attempt to restore law and order. This, following a wave of strikes by workers, protests that have spilt out of Tahrir onto other streets, and sit -ins staged outside key institutions like parliament and the Defence Headquarters. The activists are demanding a faster pace of reforms, "qassas" or justice for the victims of violence, and asking the military to immediately transfer power to a civilian government.

The military council running the country in the transitional phase has dealt harshly with dissidents, subjecting seven female protesters to forced "virginity tests" in March 2011 to intimidate them. More recently, female activists were beaten during a demonstration in front of Parliament Headquarters. Images of a young female protesters being stripped to her bra and dragged by the soldiers in a bid to humiliate her went viral on the Internet, triggering a barrage of international condemnation.

Women Protesting in Egypt- Photo by LA Times

 
Recently, three thousand women organized a march from Tahrir Square to the Journalists Syndicate to express their anger. They chanted: " our girls are a red line" and demanded the prosecution of Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi (head of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces) for crimes against humanity. Dubbed "the girl in the blue bra", the victim has come to symbolize the struggle for freedom and equality but also epitomizes the failure of the Arab Spring as the goals of the revolution remain far out of reach.

"The girl in the blue bra", an image that shocked viewers worldwide

 
While piling pressure on the military rulers to carry out the much needed reforms, the women's march also revealed a widening gap between secularists and conservatives. Feminists were shocked and deeply disappointed to hear some female members of the Muslim Brotherhood denounce the rally and accuse the female protesters of carrying out foreign agendas. Manal Abol Hassan, Head of the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party's women's committee criticized the women who marched in the rally saying their husbands, brothers or sons should have defended them instead.

While encouraging women to work, the Muslim Brotherhood has for decades favored more traditional roles for women . Their role within the movement has largely been limited to charity work and social activities. In the new politically party, the FJP, the women of the Brotherhood--also known as sisters, have not been granted seats on the leadership council.

Many women activists feel betrayed in the new Egypt, declaring that the revolution "has been stolen" from them by the military dictators and the Islamists. Nehad Abo El Komsan, Chairperson of the Egyptian Center for Women's Rights is among those dissatisfied with the lack of progress on all fronts but especially on women's issues. A staunch defender of women's rights, Abo El Komsan has been pushing for amendments to the current Personal Status Code derived from Islamic Sharia law and which dictates the rules of marriage, divorce, inheritance, and employment.

Despite amendments introduced in 2000, Egypt's Family Status Law continues to allow for discrimination against women. Abo El Komsan is particularly concerned about widespread sexual harassment on the streets and has been pushing for legislation to curb the practice. "Sexual harassment appears to be on the rise," she laments. "It has been a serious problem for decades in our conservative patriarchal society but is worse today because of the political repression and economic strife."

While women have yet to reap the fruits of the revolution, they are adamant to continue their struggle for equality and emancipation. Women like Kamel and Abol Komsan hope to build on the gains made in recent years. They also hope to seize the moment and ensure that the revolution becomes a turning point for tangible change --not just for women but for the entire society. "We will confront all attempts to suppress us and will not be pushed back to the shadows," says Kamel, her voice filled with determination and hope.

Pakistan-Afghanistan Relations: a Collective Approach Instead of a Confrontational One - By Arshi Saleem Hashmi

Prof. Arshi Saleem Hashmi interacts with Afghan President Hamid Karzai at the National Defence University in Islamabad on February 17, 2012

SAVE Sister Arshi Saleem Hashmi

Afghan President Hamid Karzai recently visited Pakistan, it was not his first visit but seemingly different this time around. After a long period of indifference and occasional confrontation, Karzai returned to Islamabad once again, this time advocating for a more collective approach between the two neighbors, especially when it comes to tackling violent extremism in the region.


Karzai talked about critical issues including democracy, women, development, education and media. He insisted that his government was working hard to get a hold of the declining situation in the country in order to preserve the achievements Afghanistan has made over the past few years. He also stated that these achievements should not be wasted because of the lack of a coherent approach vis-à-vis Pakistan and Afghanistan on issues such as terrorism and violent extremism.

Afghanistan's President Hamid Karzai and Pakistan's Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani (R)
shake hands in Islamabad on February 16, 2012. - Photo by AFP

I asked him if he believed a settlement could eventually be reached between his government and the Taliban who are now engaged in discussions together. And if he believed the militant group could reconcile with the process of democracy, and if not, whether or not his administration would be prepared to make some compromises.

His response was very interesting. He said the government would be willing to compromise only if the Taliban agreed to respect the rights of Afghan women, especially their right to education and participation in political and economic life. In other words, he claimed the government would take steps towards a settlement with the Taliban who give up their arms, but not at the cost of democracy and women’s empowerment.

Let us hope that future policy decisions within Afghanistan, and also concerning conflict management in cooperation with Pakistan, will adhere to President Karzai’s statement on women’s empowerment, a component that is crucial to the success of any initiative on peace and stability in the region.

Sayra's Story: surviving a terrorist blast in Islamabad

By Sayra Mobeen, Student BBA (Honors), Islamic International University Islamabad 


The morning of 20 0ctober 2009 was a delightful one for me, but not for my country. I was happy to go to university and see my friends, entirely forgetful of the years of unending dilemma and constant threat of terrorism in Pakistan.

I have never been a keen follower of the news, and that is why I could never relate to the pain people faced after a bomb blast, or after losing a loved one in a terrorist attack. However, I was not aware that my perspective was about to change.

The twin blasts that hit my University that day changed my life, as it was the first strike that targeted female students in Islamabad. This incident left a very deep effect on my life, and brought me face to face with a disaster which in its wake entailed numerous challenges for me. Sadly I was a victim of that incident and have been lucky to survive to tell my story.

I remember that day after classes, I came back to my hostel room at about 2:45 pm. My friend Umme Kalsoom came by and asked me to accompany her to the cafeteria, so I got up and we left together.We went to the cafeteria fruit shop but they were sold out of fruit. I don’t recall why we were in such a hurry that day, we both ignored our classmates who were sitting outside asking us to join them, and rushed into the main cafeteria hall.

We bought some snacks and sat inside the café on the left side of the hall, it didn't even cross our mind to join our friends outside. A moment later, we realized that we had forgotten to buy soft drinks so I went to get some.While walking back to our table, I suddenly heard a dreadful sound, and was surrounded by smoke as my ears quickly deafened. I felt as if I had been hit by something horrible. I suddenly became disoriented and fell down to the floor.

A girl fixes flowers next to the picture of three students who were killed in a bomb blast at the International Islamic University in 2009. PHOTO: MUHAMMAD JAVAID, Tribune.

A sudden rush of pain made me realize I was hurt. I could feel the pain on my body, arms, legs, forehead and chest. Later, I found out that the major injuries I received were on my chest.

I thanked God I was conscious, and tried to walk away from the cafeteria to save myself, but couldn't. I then saw my friends looking for me; my shirt was covered in blood from the wounds on my head and chest. When Umme Kulsoom saw me in this critical condition she started crying. I asked her to look for my cell phone which I had lost in the blast so I could call my family and reassure them. She asked a female employee of the café to look after me while she went to look for help.

I felt more afraid of the blast than of my injuries. The café staff told me I had severe injuries and that I had to go to the hospital. They tried to put me in a taxi but I refused to go alone. The staff then left me and walked away, this hurt me even more. I thought of my family and friends and started to cry.

When my friends finally found me, I was in a great deal of pain. They took me to the Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences. The doctors decided to undertake immediate surgery because of the serious nature of my injuries. I was very worried knowing that my family was not with me, and I did not know what would be the result of the operation. But that is perhaps what saved my life.

After initial treatment in the PIMS and in view of the nature of my injuries, I was sent to the Combined Military Hospital at Mangla Cantonment for treatment. I underwent treatment at Mangla and suffered lots of pain and surgical interventions, for approximately four months. During this period my family and I suffered a lot, as they had to arrange for a place to live in Mangla, and commute from Abbottabad to Mangla regularly.

My injuries were similar to the injuries that soldiers receive in the battle field. The doctors at Mangla tried very hard to remove the pieces of shrapnel from my body, but even then, they could not remove it all. Some non-life-threatening pieces of the material that was used in the suicide jacket are still in my body, and will remain in me for life. It hurts at times, but at least I am alive!

As I said I did not pay attention to news of bomb blasts when I saw it on television or read about it in the newspapers, therefore I could never truly comprehend the pain of others; especially those who suffered during terrorist or suicide attacks. But since my ordeal, I can recognize the pain and difficulties of survivors and victims’ like me, and I can connect with them and help them in their recovery from trauma.

This unpleasant incident did not close the door of life on me; it just showed me the unpleasant direction that life can take sometimes. I am happy, and grateful to God that I am back to my normal life, thanks to my family, friends, and many other people who helped me recover. This experience has strengthened my belief that obstacles only make you a stronger and more determined person. As we say in Pakistan: “ Obstacles come into your life to polish you, and turn you into a strong and shiny diamond”.

Islamic International University, Islamabad

The SAVE Team Reports: Mothers' Hopes in Palestine

A view of the wall dividing Israel and the Palestinian Territories

We, the Women without Borders/SAVE team, have spent the last five days speaking to Palestinian women across the Occupied Territories. The vast majority live in villages or refugee camps, many of them in close proximity to settlements where they experience with hostile interactions on a daily basis. Most women are housewives, often with 8-10 children, and their education is basic. What they all have in common: one of their sons is usually in prison, often as young as 14 or 15. Their family members do not know how long they will stay in prison.

All the mothers we have spoken with are highly concerned about the impact of the ongoing conflict and everyday encounters with Israeli soldiers. 

Additionally, everyone we have spoken to says the situation is now much worse than it was a few years ago-movement has been severely restricted, Israelis and Palestinians now almost never meet, and many have no idea whatsoever as to what life is like on the other side of the wall. All Palestinians over the age of 45 speak Hebrew, as there used to be far more exchange between the countries. The young generation is now cut off in terms of language, movement, and economic access.

The decorated Palestinian side of the wall

Today, all mothers insist that education is the only way their children can have a better life. One of the mothers summed it up quite succinctly: "there was a time when it was important to throw a stone so the world knew where Palestine was. But this is behind us. Our children now need to be educated so that the world knows where Palestine is." Another said "education is our resistance, not violence."

It is quite clear that a collective shift in attitude is taking place, sadly in a period of time where the windows of opportunity seem to be shutting again. 

Our direct conversations with the women challenge the international stereotype of Palestinian mothers who proudly send their sons off to become martyrs and cluck to celebrate their "fait accompli." The mothers say that they want to see a better life for their children, and that they shouldn't have to face the same hardships as their parents. There are many examples, such as Nadwa's narrative: she recalls her two and a half-year-old son twirling and singing "the soldiers will get my brother Ali." She was horrified that even her youngest son was aware of what was happening. She asks herself what this will do to his psyche, if such events calibrate his childhood memory.

Bustling daily life for women on the streets of Ramallah

We met several of the women in a refugee camp community center. Our SAVE partner invited them to speak with us, and many walked away from our conversations expressing hope that our trip will lead to workshops that will address their concerns and help them to be better prepared to tackle the most delicate issues of violence and conflict with their children.

Our trip will continue in the coming week with stories from Israeli settlements and the capital city of Tel Aviv. Follow our live tweets at SAVEalerts. 

A breathtaking view across the desert

Best from Jerusalem,

Edit Schlaffer and the SAVE Team

TWN's Response to the Recent Derry Bombings

Norma Shearer, Chief Executive Officer of the 'Training for Women Network', based in Northern Ireland, shared her response to the recent bombings in Derry: 

"I am happy to report that there was no loss of life caused by the explosions of the two devices in Derry. The two devices were placed outside the Derry Visitor centre and Convention Bureau and at the Department of Health, Social Services and public Safety offices near Derry City Council offices.

Norma Shearer

While there were no fatalities, this proved to be a miracle, as one of the devices was left opposite sheltered accommodation for elderly people. While no group has yet to claim responsibility, PSNI (Police Service of Northern Ireland) believe that it was a dissident Republican grouping, most likely either the Real IRA or Oglaigh na hEireann.

One of the direct consequences of this attack has been that Derry has failed in its bid to host the 2013 All Ireland Fleadh festival (a traditional Irish music festival). It was rejected because the governing body of the Fleadh believed that the threat posed by dissident Republicans was too great to risk the safety of attendants and participants. The loss of the festival strikes a huge blow to the Executive’s drive to make Northern Ireland a top tourist destination in 2012, not to mention the 41 million of lost revenue that the festival would have generated for Derry during this time of economic hardship.

Unfortunately, these attacks are part of a recent upsurge in dissident Republican activity. In fact, as I write, there are security alerts are in two villages in counties Antrim and Londonderry, where a gas cylinder with some wires coming out of the top was discovered behind a wall by a local resident.

TWN would like to take this opportunity to condemn the recent attacks in Derry and to reaffirm our position that these acts of violent extremism can not be allowed to disrupt the peacebuilding journey that Northern Ireland has begun. It is important that the peace and reconciliation work taking place throughout the province continues as it is only through this can peace be assured, allowing democratic dialogue to determine the path the province takes in the future, not violence, as has been the case in the past.

In other news, researchers involved in Boston College’s Belfast Project are involved in a legal battle in the United States to stop interviews they conducted in 2001 being handed over to the PSNI (Police Service of Northern Ireland). The Belfast Project took place for five years after 2001 and involved academics, historians and journalists conducting interviews with former Republicans and Loyalists such as Dolours Price about their activities during the Troubles. The interviewees were promised at the time  that their accounts would remain confidential until after their deaths. This has caused great controversy. Researchers fear for their personal safety if the guarantees they made to interviewees can no longer be kept, and also worry that such a decision could hinder research in the future by removing interviewees' ability to give full disclosure."

Two bombs exploded in Derry last week (photo by BBC News)

For more information on TWN, please visit their website: http://www.twnonline.com